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The Hasseki Sultan Waqf Complex
The Hasseki Sultan Waqf Complex was constructed at the height of Ottoman Power. In addition to the huge soup kitchen, the complex consisted of a mosque, a dwelling house with 55 rooms for pilgrams, and an inn (Khan) for travellers. After obtaining consent and authority from her husband, Hasseki Hurrem Sultan dedicated extensive revenues from various assets to fund its construction and long-term maintenance in Jerusalem. These assets included land properties in Palestine and Tripoli, and businesses such as shops, public bath houses, soap factories, and flourmills . When villages were endowed, the percentage of their revenues formerly paid in taxes was redirected to the waqf. The villages whose revenues was endowed to Hasseki Sultan Imaret were concentrated to the west of Jerusalem, from the city towards the coast. They included properties in Bait Dajan, Yazur, Kafr Ana, Ludd, Anaba, and Jib, among others.
Purpose
The Hasseki Sultan Imaret served a variety of functions besides providing basic sustenance to the poor and needy. The existence of the soup kitchen not only fulfilled the religious requirement for charity, but it reinforced a particular social order as well. Moreover, the enormity of the institution helped the Ottoman Empire to project the political image of power and generosity .
Religious Implication , axe deodorant body spray .
Charity is an extremely important aspect for the religion of Islam. In order to secure a place in paradise after death, one must assist those who cannot help themselves. There are two categories of charity in Qurnic injunctions: Zakat, an obligatory alms tax for Muslims who obtained a certain level of wealth; and Sadaqa, voluntary donations that are highly recommended. One of the most popular forms of Sadaqa was waqfs, or endowments. Waqfs were founded by wealthy individuals, especially members of the imperial family, who donated their properties to permanently benefit a variety of charitable institutions. Public soup kitchens, therefore, were waqfs that provided basic nutritional sustenance for people in need . In the case of the Hasseki Sultan Imaret, Hurrem Sultan strived to build a public soup kitchen in Jerusalem because of the religious significance of the city. Jerusalem, along with Hebron, Mecca and Medina, were holy cities. As a result, she wanted to ensure that each of the four holy cities had an institution to feed the hungry , chemical disinfectant .
Social Implication , wholesale motorcycle accessories .
Like all the other imarets throughout the Ottoman Empire, the Hasseki Sultan Imaret was a crucial tool to maintain the social order of Jerusalem. For example, the identities of the administrators, the employees and the beneficiaries of the imaret displayed the social hierarchy of the community. The administrators were often members of the local noble families, and they have considerable power to recruit their friends, relatives and free slaves to be the employees of the imaret. The beneficiaries could also be appointed by the administrators, but they were mostly the poor who must defer to those with higher social status in order to receive the sustenance they needed , natural laundry detergent .
Furthermore, social status determined the order and amount of food distribution. During each meal, the employees were the first to receive one ladle of soup and two loaves of bread, then the guests received one ladle and one loaf, and the poor were the last to receive the least amount of food. There were even a hierarchy within the poor. For instance, the learned poor usually ate first, followed by the men, and finally the women and children. When the food ran out, the women and children remained unfed. Consequently, the imaret not only revealed the social hierarchy of Jerusalem, but it was an effective method to keep people in line , olive soap .
Political Implication , scented air freshener .
There was a strong political motive to build a soup kitchen in Jerusalem. In fact, it is n integral component of the Ottoman project of settlement, colonization, legitimization and urban development . The Hasseki Sultan Imaret in Jerusalem demonstrated the far-reaching strength and power of the Ottoman Empire. It was also an effective means for the Ottoman Empire to control its subjects in Jerusalem. By granting the administrator position to the most important families of Jerusalem, the Sultan used the extensive influences and connections of the nobles to strengthen their rule in the local population. Nevertheless, the dependence on nobles to maximize political control also had a detrimental effect on the maintenance of the imaret .
Abuse of the Imaret
Because the Ottoman Empire heavily relied on the co-operations of noble families to influence the people of Jerusalem, it granted significant authority to these individuals in the operations of the imaret. Most importantly, the imaret was more than ust another poor-relief institution, but also a special fund used for granting benefits to certain favourite people . As a result, it became vulnerable to abuse. For example, the administrators manipulated the criteria for becoming a beneficiary to favour their friends and relatives, or to gain favour from others. Additionally, the rights to being a beneficiary were transferable, further compounding the problem of excessive beneficiaries. Eventually, the imaret supported even the richest families in Jerusalem. Moreover, these powerful beneficiaries used their status to exploit the financial and material resources of the institution. For instance, a legal document in 1782 mentioned that a mercenary army commander was entitled to 48 loaves of bread from the imaret daily. By the Eighteenth Century, the imaret could no longer support the excessive expanses incurred by the various abuses. The attempts to reduce food distributions and beneficiaries were met with fierce opposition and blatant disregard . Therefore, throughout the rest of its rule, the Ottoman Empire continually struggled to ind the delicate balance between the need to cut down and restrict the number of the waqf beneficiaries, and the wish to collect the maximum political gain by granting benefits to the greatest possible number of people , most of whom, ironically, were not the poor and the needy.
Conclusion
Despite all the difficulties, the Ottoman Empire managed to keep the Hasseki Sultan Imaret alive, albeit dysfunctional, for most of the Ottoman rule in Jerusalem . The comprehensive implications of this public soup kitchen illustrated that it was more than just a poor-relief institution. Moreover, the imaret reflected Ottoman ingenuity at integrating religious, social and political objectives in the form of charity. Unfortunately, due to the desire to achieve as many functions as possible, the intended beneficiaries of the imaret, he poor and wretched, weak and needy , often remained hungry.
See also
Imaret, a general overview of Public Kitchens in the Ottoman Empire
Islam, an overview of the religion
Roxelana, for more information about Hasseki Hurren Sultan
Suleiman the Magnificent, for more information about Sultan Suleiman I
Waqf, a general overview about Islamic charitable endowment
Zakat, a general overview about Islamic alms-giving in
Notes
^ Peri, Oded. Waqf and Ottoman Welfare Policy, The Poor Kitchen of Hasseki Sultan in Eighteenth-Century Jerusalem, pg 169
^ Singer, Amy. Serving Up Charity: The Ottoman Public Kitchen, pg 486
^ Peri, O. pg 170-171
^ Singer, 2002, p.51
^ Singer, A. pg 483-484
^ Singer, A. pg 482, and pg 484
^ Singer, A. pg 494
^ Baer, G. pg 269
^ Singer, A. pg 486-487
^ Singer, A. pg 492
^ Peri, O. pg 174-175
^ Peri, O. pg 175
^ Peri, O. pg 172-173, 177-178
^ Peri, O. pg 182
^ Peri, O. pg 186
^ Singer, A. pg 486
References
Baer, G. (1997). The Waqf as a Prop for the Social System (Sixteenth-Twentieth Centuries). Islamic Law and Society, 4(3): 264-297.
Peri, O. (1989). Waqf and Ottoman Welfare Policy: The Poor Kitchen of Hasseki Sultan in Eighteenth-Century Jerusalem. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 35, 167-186.
Singer, A. (2005). Serving Up Charity: The Ottoman Public Kitchen. Journal of Interdisciplainary History, 35(3), 581-500.
External links
Old City of Jerusalem Revitalization Program Honored With Architectural Award, for information about the restoration of Old City of Jerusalem and pictures of the soup kitchen.
Dar al-Aytam al-Islamiyya Restoration, for pictures of the Soup Kitchen in Jerusalem
My Memories of Khassaki Sultan or "The Flourishing Edifice", for a personal story about the Hasseki Sultan Imaret
Mavi Boncuk: Haseki Hurrem Sultan, for more information about Hurrem Sultan
Further reading
Finkel, C. (2006). Osman's Dream: The Story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1923. New York: Basic Books.
Singer, A. (2002). Constructing Ottoman Beneficence: An Imperial Soup Kitchen in Jerusalem. Albany: State of New York Press.
Categories: Buildings and structures of the Ottoman Empire | Buildings and structures in Jerusalem | Former buildings and structures of JerusalemHidden categories: Israel articles missing geocoordinate data

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Sand theft and beach theft
Stealing of sand is a worldwide phenomenon. Beach theft, the large-scale removal of sand to the point that entire stretches of a beach disappear, is considerably less common. Two instances of beach thefts have been widely reported in the media: one in Hungary in 2007 and another in Jamaica in 2008. The beach that was stolen in Hungary was an artificially created one on the banks of a river. The other one is a genuine example of a beach theft.
Beach theft in Jamaica
This section needs additional citations for verification.
Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2009)
A beach theft was discovered in Jamaica in July 2008.
The beach at Coral Springs, in Jamaica's northern parish of Trelawny, was 400 metres of white sand. The bulk of the sand in the 0.5-hectare beach, of approximately 500 truckloads, was found missing in July 2008. The beach was to form part a resort complex, but the theft of its most important feature has led to its developers putting their plans on hold. Illegal sand mining is a problem in Jamaica; the local tradition of people building their own homes has caused a huge demand for construction material , reclining folding chair .
Investigatio , childrens wooden chairs .
The disappearance of the beach was considered so important that Jamaica's Prime Minister Bruce Golding took a personal interest in the theft and ordered a report into how such a large quantity of sand could have been stolen, transported and presumably sold. Police carried out forensic tests on beaches along the coast to see if any of it matched the stolen sand. A three-month police investigation failed to lead to anyone being charged. There were unconfirmed reports about collusion between the criminals and certain police officers, but Jamaican police denied any such collusion ,wicker bar stool .
Beach theft in Hungary
An incident of beach theft occurred in Hungary in 2007 . In this case, thieves stole hundreds of tonnes of sand from an artificial beach created by a resort alongside the banks of river Mindszentas. 
Hungary is a land-locked country. The river Mindszentas runs through Hungary. Its banks are sunny and warm in the summer. Some enterprising Hungarians shipped in some 6,000 cubic meters of sand, added lounge chairs, playground rides, and beach huts, and made a perfect artificial beach. In Hungary, the winters are frigid. To protect their sandy treasure, in September 2007, the owners covered the rides with tarpaulin and closed the place for the season. When one of the owners drove by, they noticed that the beach was gone. Only dreary muddy banks left behind. Authorities blame the new Schengen Zone which eliminated border controls between EU member state and Europe. This allows people to move freely between countries without a passport.
References
^ "Hanson Denies Stealing Sand", Los Angeles Times dated 28 October 2003 (Retrieved on 23 October 2008)
^ "Stealing sand from Sahara", Western Sahara Resource Watch (Retrieved on 23 October 2000)
^ "Sand thieves strike again", Voice of Malaysian dated 09 August 2008 (Retrieved on 23 October 2008)
^ "Jamaica puzzled by theft of beach", BBC News dated 18 October 2008 (Retrieved on 21 October 2008)
^ "HOWTO: Steal a Beach (Hungarian Style)" (Retrieved on 21 October 2008)
^ "Jamaican police left stranded after thieves steal a beach", The Guardian dated 21 October 2008 (Retrieved on 2 October 2008)
Categories: Crimes | TheftHidden categories: Orphaned articles from February 2009 | All orphaned articles | Articles needing additional references from March 2009 | All articles needing style editing | Wikipedia articles needing style editing from March 2009

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Biography
Fuller was born on July 12, 1895, in Milton, Massachusetts, the son of Richard Buckminster Fuller and Caroline Wolcott Andrews, and also the grandnephew of the American Transcendentalist Margaret Fuller. He attended Froebelian Kindergarten. Spending his youth on Bear Island, in Penobscot Bay off the coast of Maine, he was a boy with a natural propensity for design and construction. He often made things from materials he brought home from the woods, and sometimes made his own tools. He experimented with designing a new apparatus for human propulsion of small boats. Years later, he decided that this sort of experience had provided him with not only an interest in design, but a habit of being fully familiar and knowledgeable about the materials that his later projects would require. Fuller earned a machinist's certification, and knew how to use the press brake, stretch press, and other tools and equipment used in the sheet metal trade.
Fuller was sent to Milton Academy, in Massachusetts, and after that, began studying at Harvard. He was expelled from Harvard twice: first for spending all his money partying with a Vaudeville troupe, and then, after having been readmitted, for his "irresponsibility and lack of interest". By his own appraisal, he was a non-conforming misfit in the fraternity environment. Many years later, however, he would receive a Sc.D. from Bates College in Lewiston, Maine.
Between his sessions at Harvard, Fuller worked in Canada as a mechanic in a textile mill, and later as a labourer in the meat-packing industry. He also served in the U.S. Navy in World War I, as a shipboard radio operator, as an editor of a publication, and as a crash-boat commander. After discharge, he returned to the meat packing industry, where he acquired management experience. In 1917, he married Anne Hewlett. In the early 1920s, he and his father-in-law developed the Stockade Building System for producing light-weight, weatherproof, and fireproof housing although the company would ultimately fail.
In 1927, at age 32, bankrupt and jobless, living in public, low-income housing in Chicago, Illinois, Fuller lost his young daughter Alexandra to complications from polio and spinal meningitis. He felt responsible, and this drove him to drink and to the verge of suicide. At the last moment, he decided instead to embark on "an experiment, to find what a single individual [could] contribute to changing the world and benefiting all humanity" , wooden desk .
By 1928, Fuller was living in Greenwich Village and spending a lot of time at Romany Marie's, where he had spent a fascinating evening in conversation with Marie and Eugene O'Neill several years earlier. Fuller took on the interior decoration of the caf in exchange for meals, giving informal lectures several times a week, and models of the Dymaxion house were exhibited at the caf. Isamu Noguchi appeared on the scene in 1929 onstantin Brncui, an old friend of Marie's, had directed him there and Noguchi and Fuller were soon collaborating on several projects, including the modelling of the Dymaxion car. It was the beginning of their lifelong friendship ,folding high chair .
Fuller taught at Black Mountain College in North Carolina during the summers of 1948 and 1949, serving as its Summer Institute director in 1949. There, with the support of a group of professors and students, he began reinventing a project that would make him famous: the geodesic dome. Although the geodesic dome had been created some 30 years earlier by Dr. Walther Bauersfeld, Fuller was awarded US patents. He is credited for popularizing this type of structure. One of his early models was first constructed in 1945 at Bennington College in Vermont, where he frequently lectured. In 1949, he erected his first geodesic dome building that could sustain its own weight with no practical limits. It was 4.3 meters (14 ft) in diameter and constructed of aluminum aircraft tubing and a vinyl-plastic skin, in the form of an icosahedron. To prove his design, and to awe non-believers, Fuller hung from the structure framework with several students who had helped him build it. The U.S. government recognized the importance of his work, and employed him to make small domes for the army. Within a few years there were thousands of these domes around the world , custom made chairs .
For the next half-century, Fuller contributed a wide range of ideas, designs and inventions to the world, particularly in the areas of practical, inexpensive shelter and transportation. He documented his life, philosophy and ideas scrupulously in a daily diary (later called the Dymaxion Chronofile), and in twenty-eight publications. Fuller financed some of his experiments with inherited funds, sometimes augmented by funds invested by his collaborators, one example being the Dymaxion Car project.
The Montreal Biosphre by Buckminster Fuller, 1967
International recognition came with the success of his huge geodesic domes in the 1950s. Fuller taught at Washington University in St. Louis in 1955, where he met James Fitzgibbon, who would become a close friend and colleague. From 1959 to 1970, Fuller taught at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. Beginning as an assistant professor, he gained full professorship in 1968, in the School of Art and Design. Working as a designer, scientist, developer, and writer, he lectured for many years around the world. He collaborated at SIU with the designer John McHale. In 1965, Fuller inaugurated the World Design Science Decade (1965 to 1975) at the meeting of the International Union of Architects in Paris, which was, in his own words, devoted to "applying the principles of science to solving the problems of humanity".
Fuller believed human societies would soon rely mainly on renewable sources of energy, such as solar- and wind-derived electricity. He hoped for an age of "omni-successful education and sustenance of all humanity". For his lifetime of work, the American Humanist Association named him the 1969 Humanist of the Year.
Fuller was awarded 28 US patents and many honorary doctorates. On January 16, 1970, he received the Gold Medal award from the American Institute of Architects, and also received numerous other awards.
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Fuller died on July 1, 1983, aged 87, a guru of the design, architecture, and 'alternative' communities, such as Drop City, the community of experimental artists to whom he awarded the 1966 "Dymaxion Award" for "poetically economic" domed living structures. In the period leading up to his death, his wife had been lying comatose in a Los Angeles hospital, dying of cancer. It was while visiting her there that he exclaimed, at a certain point: "She is squeezing my hand!" He then stood up, suffered a heart attack and died an hour later. His wife died 36 hours after he did. He is buried in Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Philosophy and worldview
The grandson of a Unitarian minister (Arthur Buckminster Fuller), R. Buckminster Fuller was also Unitarian. Buckminster Fuller was an early environmental activist. He was very aware of the finite resources the planet has to offer, and promoted a principle that he termed "ephemeralization", which, in essence according to futurist and Fuller disciple Stewart Brand Fuller coined to mean "doing more with less". Resources and waste material from cruder products could be recycled into making higher-value products, increasing the efficiency of the entire process. Fuller also introduced synergetics, a metaphoric language for communicating experiences using geometric concepts, long before the term synergy became popular.
Buckminster Fuller was one of the first to propagate a systemic worldview, and he explored principles of energy and material efficiency in the fields of architecture, engineering and design. He cited Franois de Chardenedes' view that petroleum, from the standpoint of its replacement cost out of our current energy "budget" (essentially, the net incoming solar flux), had cost nature "over a million dollars" per U.S. gallon (US$300,000 per litre) to produce. From this point of view, its use as a transportation fuel by people commuting to work represents a huge net loss compared to their earnings.
Fuller was concerned about sustainability and about human survival under the existing socio-economic system, yet remained optimistic about humanity's future. Defining wealth in terms of knowledge, as the "technological ability to protect, nurture, support, and accommodate all growth needs of life," his analysis of the condition of "Spaceship Earth" led him to conclude that at a certain time in the 1970s, humanity had marked an unprecedented watershed. He was convinced that the accumulation of relevant knowledge, combined with the quantities of key recyclable resources that had already been extracted from the earth, had reached a critical level, such that competition for necessities was no longer necessary. Cooperation had become the optimum survival strategy. "Selfishness," he declared, "is unnecessary and hence-forth unrationalizable.... War is obsolete."
Fuller also claimed that the natural analytic geometry of the universe was based on arrays of tetrahedra. He developed this in several ways, from the close-packing of spheres and the number of compressive or tensile members required to stabilize an object in space. One confirming result was that the strongest possible homogeneous truss is cyclically tetrahedral.[citation needed]
His technologically oriented point of view can also be taken as a metaphor for what it is to be human generally. In his 1970 book I Seem To Be a Verb, he wrote:...

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A brief history
Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked mostly with materials collected by others usually missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials this earned them their current sobriquet of "arm-chair anthropologists".
Ethnologists had a special interest in why people living in different parts of the world often had similar beliefs and practices. In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, argued that different groups must somehow have learned from one another, however indirectly; in other words, they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to another, or "diffused".
Other ethnologists argued that different groups had the capability of inventing similar beliefs and practices independently. Some of those who advocated "independent invention", like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that different groups had passed through the same stages of cultural evolution (See also classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in particular, acknowledged that certain forms of society and culture could not possibly have arisen before others. For example, industrial farming could have been invented before simple farming, and metallurgy could have developed without previous non-smelting processes involving metals (such as simple ground collection or mining). Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from the primitive to the civilized.
20th century anthropologists largely reject the notion that all human societies must pass through the same stages in the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not fit the empirical facts. Some 20th century ethnologists, like Julian Steward, have instead argued that such similarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environments (see cultural evolution) , canvas canopy .
Others, such as Claude Lvi-Strauss (who was influenced both by American cultural anthropology and by French Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparent patterns of development reflect fundamental similarities in the structure of human thought (see structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of examples of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one generation, were so numerous that 19th century evolutionism was effectively disproved , door lock patio .
In the 20th century most cultural (and social) anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time. Typically, the anthropologist actually lives among another society for a considerable period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural life of the group , cushion patio swing .
However, any number of other ethnographic techniques have resulted in ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural anthropologists also curate materials, spend long hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over records, investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about physical geography, climate and habitat. It is meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people in question, and today often includes the longest possible timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain through primary and secondary research.
Bronisaw Malinowski (who conducted fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands and taught in England) developed this method, and Franz Boas (who conducted fieldwork in Baffin Island and taught in the United States) promoted it. Boas's students drew on his conception of culture and cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and A.R. Radcliffe Browns students were developing social anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural anthropology focused on symbols and values, social anthropology focused on social groups and institutions. Today socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements.
Although 19th century ethnologists saw "diffusion" and "independent invention" as mutually exclusive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly reached a consensus that both processes occur, and that both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities. But these ethnographers pointed out the superficiality of many such similarities, and that even traits that spread through diffusion often changed their meaning and functions as they moved from one society to another.
Accordingly, these anthropologists showed less interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural development, than in understanding particular cultures in those cultures' own terms. Such ethnographers and their students promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view that one can only understand another person's beliefs and behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she lived.
In the early 20th century socio-cultural anthropology developed in different forms in Europe and in the United States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on "social structure", that is, on relationships among social roles (e.g. husband and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (e.g. religion, economy, and politics).
American "cultural anthropologists" focused on the ways people expressed their view of themselves and their world, especially in symbolic forms (such as art and myths). These two approaches frequently converged (kinship, for example, and leadership function both as symbolic systems and as social institutions), and generally complemented one another. Today almost all socio-cultural anthropologists refer to the work of both sets of predecessors, and have an equal interest in what people do and in what people say.
Today ethnography continues to dominate socio-cultural anthropology. Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography which they claim treated local cultures as bounded and isolated. These anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the distinct ways people in different locales experience and understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from a local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the local with an effort to grasp larger political, economic, and cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities. Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai, James Clifford, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz, Michael Taussig and Eric Wolf.
A growing trend in anthropological research and analysis seems to be the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in George Marcus's article "Ethnography In/Of the World System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography"]. Looking at culture as embedded in macro-constructions of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses traditional methodology in various locations both spatially and temporally. Through this methodology greater insight can be gained when examining the impact of world-systems on local and global communities.
Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater interdisciplinary approaches to fieldwork, bringing in methods from cultural studies, media studies, science and technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography research tracks a subject across spatial and temporal boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a "thing," such as a particular commodity, as it transfers through the networks of global capitalism.
Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that appear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies of individual people or groups as they move through space and time. It may also follow conflicts that transcend boundaries. Multi-sited ethnographies, such as Nancy Scheper-Hughes's ethnography of the international black market for the trade of human organs. In this research she follows organs as they transfer through various legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the rumours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished communities about child kidnapping and organ theft.
Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned their investigative eye on to "Western" culture. For example, Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in 1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs in a Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory researchers, Wall Street investors, law firms, or IT computer employees.
Related topics
Anthropology of art
Anthropology of media
Anthropology of religion
Applied anthropology
Communitas
Cross-cultural studies
Cyber anthropology
Development anthropology
Dual inheritance theory
Environmental anthropology
Economic anthropology
Ecological anthropology
Ethnobotany
Ethnography
Ethnomusicology
Ethnozoology
Evolutionary anthropology
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...

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Guest starring roles
Will Arnett as Agent Mike Waldrup
Carl Capotorto as Little Paulie Germani
Max Casella as Benny Fazio
Robert Desiderio as Jack Massaron , modular office desk .
Raymond Franza as Donny , cushion rocking chair .
Danyelle Freeman as Misty Giacul , folding office chair .
Robert Funaro as Eugene Pontecorvo
Joseph R. Gannascoli as Vito Spatafore
Lola Glaudini as Agent Deborah Ciccerone
Dan Grimaldi as Patsy Parisi
Linda Lavin as Dr. Wendy Kobler
George Loros as Raymond Curto
Richard Maldone as Albert Barese
Arthur J. Nascarella as Carlo Gervasi
Frank Pellegrino as Chief Frank Cubitoso
Matt Servitto as Agent Dwight Harris
Episode recap
Meadow's recent lack of drive continues to worry her parents. Carmela tries to discuss her failure to register for classes but Meadow again uses Jackie Aprile, Jr.'s death as an excuse. She eventually reveals that she hasn't registered because she hopes to travel to Europe with her friend Misty. Tony discusses the problem with Dr. Melfi and she recommends a psychologist specializing in adolescents. Meadow agrees to see Dr. Wendy Kobler, who actually encourages Meadow's plans. This prompts a protracted family argument where Meadow confronts Tony with the truth about his business life by calling him "Mr. Mob Boss." Tony responds, quite emotionally, by telling her he did everything he could to save Jackie. She flees the house saying she has made up her mind. Meadow eventually goes to Columbia and registers for some courses while her parents worry if she has fled the country.
Carmela's flirtation with Furio Giunta continues and she continues to take pleasure in his morning visits to pick up Tony. Furio tells her he is planning to buy a house.
The crews have a birthday party for Albert Barese at Vesuvio. Ralph Cifaretto makes an off-color joke about Ginny Sack's weight, saying she has had a "95-pound mole removed from her ass." While Paulie Walnuts is incarcerated, Patsy Parisi and Little Paulie Germani have arranged a sit-down on his behalf to discuss Ralphie's division of jobs at the Esplanade site. It takes place in the Vesuvio and Silvio Dante presides. After some haggling, they settle with five jobs - three no works and two no shows. Capo Paulie receives the first no show job. Silvio announces that Tony wants Christopher Moltisanti as acting capo of Paulie's crew during his absence and gives Chris the second no show job. This upsets Patsy, who believes he has seniority over Chris, as he has been a made man longer. Indeed, it was Patsy and not Christopher who negotiated the jobs in the meeting. The three no work jobs are given to Paulie to distribute, and they go to Furio, Benny, and Little Paulie.
As they leave the meeting, Chris jokes to Silvio that the first thing he will do is get wings in his hair -- much like the gray "wing-like" hair Paulie has on the side of his head. Silvio is not amused; he is also put out by the promotion as he realizes that Chris is starting to usurp his place in Tony's inner circle. Chris later visits the construction site where Patsy, Benny Fazio, Little Paulie, Donny K. and Vito Spatafore are enjoying their no work jobs. The guys have noticed a lot of valuable materials lying around: they mention this to Chris and he seems interested.
When the materials go missing, Tony immediately calls Chris in to reprimand him. Tony tells him he is not seeing the financial potential of the construction contracts and that he is angry about the unwanted attention thefts will bring to their involvement in the job. Christopher goes home to get high and complain to Adriana. He also relays the rebuke to crew members Patsy and Little Paulie, but Patsy insists Chris gave him "a look" that he took as a go ahead.
Silvio approaches Tony about Patsy feeling marginalized by Chris's promotion. Tony doesn't seem too concerned but Silvio is obviously upset about having a new rival. Patsy visits Silvio at the Bing and mentions some floor tiles at the site; Silvio tells him to steal them in spite of Tony's orders, most likely due to Silvio's feelings of disdain towards Christopher's being made acting capo instead of the more experienced Patsy. Following this theft, Jack Massarone finds Tony playing golf with Artie Bucco and tells him about what has happened. Chris gets a verbal battering from Tony for not controlling his crew. Chris drives straight to the Esplanade site despite being on his way to a prior engagement with Adriana at her mother's house. Chris argues with Patsy and the argument descends into violence. When an African-American construction worker threatens to phone the police, Patsy makes a "Ralph Bunche" reference and beats him with a scaffolding pole.
Adriana continues in her friendship with "Danielle," an undercover FBI agent, arranging to meet her at the Crazy Horse. When they meet, Adriana discusses her fears that she may be unable to have children because of complications of an abortion she had before she was with Christopher. Danielle had been pushing Adriana to reveal Chris's involvement with the Mafia, so she is a little surprised with what she did learn. However, she sympathetically offers to recommend a good OBGYN that her sister knows in New York (she has actually just had a baby herself). Chris and Little Paulie arrive at the club and Chris gives Little Paulie some cocaine right in front of Danielle.
Ralphie and Janice's relationship continues and they are spending time at Janice's house. Tony arrives unexpectedly and Ralphie hides upstairs. When Tony finds his shoe, he warns Janice about getting involved with Ralph but she is unreceptive. Little Paulie visits his uncle in Youngstown, Ohio and gives him the news from the sitdown. Paulie asks if anyone has been to visit his mother and Little Paulie tells him nobody has but that Tony sent a box of chocolates. Little Paulie relays Ralph's joke from Albert's birthday party, which Paulie does not find funny, most likely due to his budding partnership with Johnny Sack.
Christopher and Adriana are spending the evening at Crazy Horse with Danielle. While the couple share a kiss, Christopher puts a hand on Danielle's thigh, which starts an argument between him and Adriana, and prompts Danielle to leave. Chris claims Danielle put his hand on her thigh and Adriana chooses to believe him. She stops returning Danielle's calls; when Danielle persisted in calling, Adriana called back, telling Danielle not to see her anymore. The FBI decides to bring Adriana in and reveal Danielle's true identitypecial Agent Deborah Ciccerone. Agent Harris accompanies agent Ciccerone to pick up Adriana. She is taken to meet with Chief Frank Cubitoso, where the agents tell her she can choose between twenty-five years in prison for possession and intent to supply cocaine (with an additional possible consequence of retribution by Tony Soprano for bringing an undercover agent to his and Moltisanti's homes, and the club) or begin co-operating with them by answering some questions. Overly anxious and extremely upset, Adriana promptly vomits all over the table and Chief Cubitoso.
Title reference
The title refers to the way the mob assigns paid jobs at a construction site to workers who never have to show up but continue to be paid. In the episode, the family splits the no show jobs between Ralph and Paulie's crews Christopher and Paulie both receive a no show job. Also doled out are three no work jobs, in which a "worker" shows up for the titular job for the hours allocated but doesn't lift a finger doing actual work but, as depicted by Patsy, sit around in beach lounge chairs.
The title also refers to Meadow's decision. "No show" is the airline code for passengers who have bought the ticket but they do not show themselves at check-in points and therefore they miss the flight.
Production
The episode creates a major plotline in the season regarding Ralphie's behavior. The joke Ralphie makes about Ginny Sacramoni becomes a major problem and topic of conversation in the next two episodes, and resurfaces in the show's final season.
When Adriana throws a drink at Christopher during their argument at the Crazy Horse after the incident with Danielle, the couch alternates between wet and dry in successive shots.
Connections to prior episodes
Silvio, Patsy, and Little Paulie discuss the no show and no work jobs for Paulie's crew. In ...To Save Us All From Satan's Power, Paulie tells Tony that Tommy Angeletti, a contractor for Ralphie's Esplanade Project owns him $100,000 betting on college basketball. Since Ralphie held out Angeletti for more money, he is unable to pay back his debt. Paulie requests Tony give him the jobs as compensation.
When Chris and Patsy get into a fight at the construction site, Chris warns Patsy that he didn't forget about him sniffing Adriana's underwear. Patsy responds that it wasn't him. This is a reference to the incident in Second Opinion where Paulie and Patsy barge into Chris and Adriana's apartment demanding their cut of a score off of clothes that were acquired by Chris. While searching around Chris spots Paulie, not Patsy, sniffing Adriana's underwear.
While talking to Dr. Kobler, Meadow mentioned that she was irritated by the guys singing Italian ballads at Jackie Jr.'s wake -- this was in reference to Junior's singing in Army of One.
References to other media
At Chris and Adriana's house, Ade watches Everybody Loves Raymond on television as Chris gets high on heroin. It is a coincidence that Ray Romano's character and Tony Soprano's sanitation business...